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Roger S. Conrad needs no introduction to individual and professional investors, many of whom have profited from his decades of experience uncovering the best dividend-paying stocks for accumulating sustainable wealth. Roger built his reputation with Utility Forecaster, a publication he founded... More
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  • Big Deal

    There’s nothing like a blockbuster merger between household names to raise the blood pressure of every so-called defender of the public interest. And that’s definitely the case with the proposed union of Comcast Corp (NSDQ: CMCSA) with NBC Universal, currently owned by General Electric (NYSE: GE).

    The long-rumored deal became a reality last week, as NBC Universal minority owner Vivendi Universal (Paris: VIV, OTC: VIVEF) finally agreed to unload its 20 percent stake for the princely sum of $5.8 billion. That removed the last obstacle to a deal GE and Comcast have allegedly been negotiating behind closed doors for many months--and by extension cleared the decks for regulators to swing into action.

    The deal basically calls for Comcast to combine its cable-based communication network with NBC Universal’s content empire, in exchange for a 51 percent stake and controlling interest in the overall venture. Comcast serves 24 million basic subscribers in 39 states. The real value of the enterprise in recent years, however, has been the company’s ability to sell bundles of advanced services, including digital cable, voice communications and broadband Internet.

    It’s the up-selling of these services that has kept Comcast’s cash flows growing rapidly throughout the recession, even as its numbers of “basic” cable customers has stagnated. For the cost of an initial contribution of $7 billion to the venture--which will also issue $9 billion in debt shortly--it will dramatically boost its ability to up-sell by being able to combine and package content as never before.

    Comcast, of course, has profitably operating programming for some time and currently owns such cable channels as E! Entertainment and The Golf Channel. Buying Universal will add one of the country’s premier networks in NBC along with numerous opportunities for programming as well as Universal Studios theme part and a wealth of movie archives.

    Beefing up programming has been a central goal of Comcast’s for several years, its most recent attempt being the failed attempt to grab The Walt Disney Company (NYSE: DIS) earlier in the decade. Gaining control over assets valued by the players at $30 billion may not be as great a prize as snaring Mickey Mouse & Co. But it certainly gives the company a real opportunity to move to the next level of the connectivity revolution.

    One particularly promising area will be the fast-growing Spanish-language space, where it will now own Telemundo, the second-largest distributor of such content with operations in over 100 countries.

    As with any deal, there are potential costs and risks. If Comcast is unable to run NBC Universal any better than General Electric has been lately, for example, the additional debt and operating costs it’s taking on will be a drag on its results. That’s despite the $1.1 billion in free cash flow the company generated in the third quarter alone and the $4 to $5 billion it’s on track for annually in 2009 and beyond. That will make investors forget in a hurry the 40 percent dividend increase management announced at the same time it released details of the NBC Universal deal.

    On the other hand, this deal has far less of an immediate financial impact on Comcast than the Disney takeover would have had, when the cable giant was a smaller company besides. That’s clear in the positively benign way ratings agencies have been handling the move, in stark contrast to the universally negative opinions typically issued in the wake of major mergers and acquisitions. S&P has even boosted the company’s credit outlook to “positive.”

    Another difference is Comcast has proven itself skilled at integrating programming with its network, a consequence of its heavy emphasis on boosting its Internet business in recent years. In fact, the company is beginning to offer programming via the Internet, in contrast to other cable television companies that seem more content with just milking the cash out of their networks.

    Finally, the bar set by investors is without a doubt extremely low, and therefore won’t be tough to hurdle. One money manager even went so far as to comment that “(CEO) Roberts was looking to build and empire and we just didn’t want to be part of that.” Others scorned the dividend increase as an attempt to “appease” investors by paying out only “a token.”

    That’s pretty much in line with commentary Comcast has attracted in recent years, no matter how good its numbers have been. And it’s a good sign that this deal will more than exceed projections. That’s a quite stark contrast to the widely hyped AOL/Time Warner merger of the past decade, which one major shareholder at the time called “better than sex” but which actually became one of the biggest busts in history.

    Low expectations and good numbers are a very good reason for investors to stick with common shares of Comcast now, which are still barely half their early 2007 highs and trade for just 1.07 times book value. Meanwhile, favorable credit commentary--even in the face of this deal’s scope--is a good reason to stick with the company’s fixed income issues, which would seem to be more secure than ever.

    Best of all, the bull case holds even if the NBC Universal deal is not successful. And that’s a good thing too, since it looks like regulatory approval is not a foregone conclusion, at least not without a bevy of conditions attached.

    As part of their initial presentation of the deal, GE and Comcast offered a series of concessions to US regulators. These included commitments to increase local and children’s programming, as well as offering rivals access to NBC stations on “fair terms.” That’s not likely to mollify critics, however, many of whom have already been critical of Comcast’s policies regarding its broadband network.

    “This merger’s potential to foreclose competition and stifle innovation is significant and real” screeched representatives of the Consumer Federation of America and Free Press, both Washington, DC-based consumer advocacy groups. The groups charged a deal would allow Comcast to use control over programming to charge satellite and phone company competitors more, or even to deny them access to content. They warned of a “merger wave” that would limit competition and bring higher prices for consumers. Their message to the Federal Communications Commission (FCC): “Just say no.”

    Those aren’t the last strident comments we’re likely to hear from opponents of the deal. And their rhetoric will be turning up the heat not only on the FCC but also Congress, where net neutrality is again emerging as a potential legislative issue.

    At the very least, that means months of intense scrutiny from federal regulators for the deal and almost certainly a mass of conditions attached to the deal. FCC Commissioner Michael Copps--a longtime advocate of net neutrality and a voice in several punitive FCC ruling directed at Comcast in recent years--states the transaction “raises a multitude of important questions.”

    And with Chairman Julius Genachowski leading a 3-to-2 Democrat majority, the commission is likely to use merger hearings as a reason to open up a whole host of issues, including potential rules prohibiting owners of networks from favoring their own content over that of rivals’.

    The companies’ current forecast is that full regulatory review will take anywhere from nine to 12 months, meaning we can expect a final ruling about this time next year. That timetable, however, could be strung out further by Congress, where Senator Herb Kohl (D-WI) has promised “public hearings” on the bid.

    Congress has no authority to block the bid on its own. But a particularly nasty proceeding--always a risk when the economy is weak and unemployment is high--would put further pressure on the FCC to delay or derail, or at the very least impose harsh conditions.

    The US Justice Dept or the Federal Trade Commission will also have to rule on whether the deal damages competition. As is the case with most such deals, concerns are usually met with asset sales, which in many cases actually make the deal more profitable by paring back extraneous assets--such as owning redundant assets, i.e. in the same market.

    The bar at the FCC, however, is considerably higher. Technically, to approve a deal the commission must be satisfied that a merger is in the public interest. During the Bush administration, the 3-to-2 Republican majority routinely ruled in favor of deals. But times have changed, and the 3-to-2 Democrat majority isn’t likely to be so easily swayed, at least not without some concessions on their pet issue of net neutrality.

    Mergers are, of course, the ideal time for regulators to wring concessions from major industry players. In fact, given the FCC’s repeated failures in court to get what it wants in recent years, they’re the only reliable way they can make policy. That makes the ultimate approval of this deal a high-percentage bet.

    The key question, however, isn’t whether the FCC will sign off on something. It’s whether or not what it tries to get will be acceptable to Comcast. The answer depends on how well the two sides negotiate, and we have no choice but to wait to see how this plays out.

    Happily, the key issue with Comcast common stock and fixed income is that the company is playing from a very strong hand here. If it’s successful in winning a deal with acceptable conditions, it will not only have control over a wealth of content to leverage profitably. But it will also potentially resolve a wide range of issues with the Obama FCC, smoothing its way until there’s a new occupant at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

    If it fails, it will still be an extremely strong franchise generating $5 billion or so a year in free cash flow from which to expand its operations, buy back stock and debt and boost dividends further. And most important, the bar for success is set extremely low and easy to hurdle--always the key to robust market returns.



    Disclosure: No Positions
    Dec 07 10:31 AM | Link | Comment!
  • Destination Beijing
     Monday’s report on third-quarter GDP from Statistics Canada underscores the importance of Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s visit to China.

    The Canadian economy grew at an annualized rate of 0.4 percent in the third quarter, a pace that disappointed analysts but nevertheless marked the first quarterly expansion since the third quarter of 2008. Zero-point-four is still better than contractions of 3.4 percent and 6.1 percent in the second and first quarters, respectively.

    Households and businesses led the way out of recession. Consumer spending rose 3.1 percent, led by an 8.1 percent increase in expenditures on housing. Capital expenditures by business grew by 4.2 percent, the first such growth since the fourth quarter of 2007.

    Final domestic demand rose 4.7 percent in the third quarter. That overall GDP expanded by only 0.4 percent annualized illustrates the importance of exports to the Canadian economy.

    Data from StatsCan indicate exports, which had shrunk in five previous quarters, grew 15.3 percent, boosted by sales of auto-related goods and energy products. But import growth of 36 percent outpaced this gain. Net exports trimmed an estimated 5.3 percentage points off GDP growth.

    Almost all the growth happened in September after output was flat in July and August; this, in addition to October’s strong housing numbers, suggests fourth-quarter GDP will be strong enough to satisfy expectations. But whether the Canadian recovery pales in comparison to previous recoveries or eventually warms up still depends on what happens in the US.

    Americans are becoming thriftier, and goods they may have bought from Canada are getting more expensive. These mutually repellent forces are likely to persist for some time. There’s a lot of de-leveraging left to be done, and the days of cheap-and-easy oil are over.

    Although Americans are no longer the world’s consumer of last resort, there are potential and emerging middle classes in several Asian countries. Demand from these economies will support commodities prices over the long term, boosting the Canadian dollar.

    But Canada is working to diversify its export base. Harper departs today for Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong. He’ll conclude his trip to Asia with a stopover Dec. 6-7 in South Korea, where he’ll become the first Canadian prime minister to address the South Korean national assembly.

    But this is all about the Middle Kingdom. Business relationships in or with China begin with politics; the most important thing about this visit is the visit itself, so long as Harper’s and succeeding Canadian governments sustain the engagement. If after Harper returns to Ottawa we see the same volume of two-way, high-level-minister traffic we saw leading up to it, we’ll know current leadership takes seriously Canada-China trade and investment.

    One key point often mentioned in the media these days, with regard to President Obama’s early November visit to China as well now to Prime Minister Harper’s impending trip, is the issue of China’s currency and its macroeconomic policies and how they perpetuate global imbalances.

    One particularly vocal school holds that allowing the renminbi (RMB) to appreciate is the sine qua non of global rebalancing. But, as far as the US is concerned, with a Chinese trade balance in excess of USD260 billion, currency appreciation can only have so much impact.

    According to one estimate, a 20 percent RMB appreciation would lead to an approximately USD90 billion reduction in the Chinese trade balance. This leaves a large Chinese trade surplus in place, around USD170 billion even before the rebound in the Chinese surplus anticipated as global aggregate demand recovers.

    This media and political obsession with “currency manipulation” obliterates the fact that rebalancing requires, first, a series of difficult actions by US authorities, both fiscal and monetary, and American consumers. Balanced budgets--government as well as household--and a return to traditional money are good starts.

    During a briefing ahead of Harper’s trip, spokesman Dimitri Soudas wouldn’t say whether the prime minister will broach the currency peg topic. “But it is expected,” Soudas added, “that the prime minister, in the wide range of meetings that he’ll be having, there will be exchanges related to fiscal policy.”

    This final point is critical. At least as important as the currency issue is that Chinese authorities must increase and re-orient their fiscal stimulus efforts toward boosting domestic private consumption. A social safety net would go a long way toward encouraging private consumption, and it would also keep average Chinese content, not a minor consideration to a single-party, authoritarian state.

    Reconciling the imbalances characterized by the “Chimerica” relationship is critical to putting the global economy on a sustainable track. This means, in short, that the US must consume less, China more. But China’s economic program, including the USD587 stimulus announced in November 2008 and implemented to great effect in 2009, to date has focused almost exclusively on developing its export potential.

    The currency issue is significant: Allowing the RMB to appreciate will spur the development of a consumer economy in China--if stimulus efforts support the creation of more value-added jobs, and if there’s a social safety net to encourage private consumption.

    Reestablishing and maintaining robust bilateral political and trade relationships with Asia, and China in particular, is the long-term key to growing the Canadian economy. China is already Canada’s second-largest trading partner after the US. Two-way trade totaled CAD53.1 billion in 2008. Through the first half of 2009 it stood at CAD24.7 billion, a 2.9 percent increase over the same period last year.

    If the argument is that Harper’s four-year delay before meeting his Chinese counterparts caused problems for Canada, this increase suggests even a little effort will help the Great White North reduce its exposure to the US economy.

    As for short-term benchmarks, look for announcements that China has conferred “approved destination” status on Canada within weeks and that President Hu Jintao or Premier Wen Jiabao will visit Ottawa.

    A simple case, one we’ve been making for months here and in Canadian Edge (the place for actionable advice), is that Canada’s domestic economy is essentially sound, that it must diversify away from the US and that Asia is its demand center of the future.

    Stephen Harper is off to make it happen.

    Words for the Wise

    “Where is it that we have had very vocal, remonstrative theatrics with China on thorny issues where China has laid down and simply done what we want to do simply because we’ve gotten loud about it? There are not a lot of examples you can point to.” -- Howard French, former Shanghai bureau chief for The New York Times, in the second part of a two-part interview about media coverage of President Obama’s recent trip to Asia. The first part of the interview is here.

    Canadian Edge

    David Dittman and I are a hosting a conference call on December 17 at 1:00 pm EST to discuss the strengths of Canada's economy, the nuances of  Canadian tax law and opportunities north of the border as high-yielding Canadian royalty trusts convert to corporations. Attendees will also have the opportunity to ask questions general questions about this security class and about specific Canadian royalty trusts.

    Your registration also entitles you to a three-month free trial of Canadian Edge, which covers Canadian royalty trusts and includes sample portfolios for aggressive and conservative investors, advice on the tax treatment of these securities and proprietary ratings of every Candian trust on the market.

    This is your invitation to enroll today and join the discussion.


     

     



    Disclosure: No Positions
    Dec 03 10:21 AM | Link | Comment!
  • Question of the Week: The FOMC and Utilities Stocks
    Q:  I’ve been reading Harry Dent’s book The Great Depression Ahead. Looking at the economic scene through a conventional lens, it sure seems like the Fed is setting us up for a massive wave of hyperinflation, witnessed by the exponential growth in M1 coupled with a decrease in production. However, recent history has turned much of conventional wisdom upside down. For starters, when have you ever seen commodities reach all-time highs while interest rates rest at 30-year lows? I’m very concerned with the macro environment, especially this fiscal corner we’re backed into. The Fed can’t raise interest rates because it will put the economy in free-fall, so they seemed to have chosen the lesser evil of the printing press. The net result seems to be a flight to commodities and higher-grade currencies. How will this affect utility stocks?

    A: As I’ve pointed out before and again above, the impact of easy Fed money so far on utilities has been all positive.

    Utilities were the last major sector to take a dive in last year’s market crash. One reason is that while the rest of the US economy was levering up this decade, these companies were paying off debt and cutting operating risk. As a result, when the bad times began to hit, their recession-resistant businesses were basically downturn proof, a fact they’ve proven time and again over the past year.

    Utilities too, however, were caught up in the wreck that followed the mid-September 2008 demise of Lehman Brothers, as investors questioned the viability of everything outside of US Treasury bonds. The result of that plunge, however, has been that utility stocks have decisively left the “interest-rate sensitive” camp. In fact, they continue to act a lot more like cyclical stocks, whose fortunes rise and fall with the economy.

    I think we can expect that to continue as long as the economy remains weak. For one thing, yields paid by strong utility stocks are still several percentage points above the benchmark Treasury rates, and valuations are a third where they were two years ago.

    For another, with unemployment over 10 percent, it’s impossible to imagine wage-push inflation in this country.

    That leaves commodity prices as the most likely spur for inflation. We don’t have that yet, but we could next year. For one thing, there’s been unprecedented demand destruction for commodities across the board since mid-2008, particularly for energy. Should demand return to that level energy prices are likely to go even higher than they did then.

    As you know, I like to operate on the ground rather than at 30,000 feet, as Mr. Dent and others do. I think what we can do is buy good companies and diversify among areas that will benefit if we see more inflation (i.e. energy, stocks paying dividends in foreign currency), and I think the Utility Forecaster Portfolio fairly reflects this.

    The feature article in the December UF (available now for subscribers at www.UtilityForecaster.com) shows how our Portfolio is prepared and discusses potential low-risk beneficiaries of inflation.

    Nov 30 12:12 PM | Link | Comment!
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