This initial coalition of chieftains, and the coronals, generals and military governors who had faithfully served under them during the Revolution continued absolute rule, cronyism and the self-enrichment of the previous dictators while placating the masses of peasants and laborers with a veil of democracy and the occasional socialist democratic welfare program that often was perverted and corrupted to add to the spoils from the previous 10 years of revolutionary banditry. While the PRI gave the appearance of land and labor reform, the abusive sharecropping and labor economy continued almost unabated, while agricultural bureaucrats and union leaders consisting of the Revolution's ex-military officers and their relatives returned to their home states as political leaders hand-picked by the "Group of Five."
The current regime had lost sight and empathy for the peons and laborers who had fought frantically for their marauding fathers and had over the years been corrupted by the civil and gentile life of power and greed. Unlike their fathers, they did not have to concern themselves with the fear of an assassin's bullet or the constant struggle of rising guerrilla factions in the north and south looking to topple the current government for ideological reasons or personal aggrandizement. Their fathers had fought this battle with the bloodshed of one million or more citizens so their descendents would not have to.
Years of complacency, conservatism and inactivity had slowly eroded the power of the underground political machine by the end of the 1980's. In 1988, the PRI actually lost the presidential election, but was able to maintain the Presidency through electoral fraud, voter suppression and violence. In 1989, the PRI lost its first state governorship and had already forfeited seats in senatorial elections as well. The writing was on the wall. The PRI was losing steam and eventually would lose its stranglehold on the Presidency and legislature, a critical blow which could lead to a social or military upheaval.
It was at this time that the "Group of Five" met to funnel its accumulated wealth outside of the borders of Mexico to protect the unknown billions from the hands and control of their adversaries who were sure to seek economic, if not physical, revenge for the previous decades of oppression and financial dominance. Deposits of money, precious metals and other loot at the Bank of Mexico could no longer be entrusted as the government experienced a shift in power.
It was here in the same room, in this same hacienda, seven years earlier that the five demagogues first nominated Benito Diaz, the young nephew of Carlos Obregon who had been educated in the best private schools of the United States and received an MBA from Harvard, to spearhead the transfer of the vast revolutionary and post-revolutionary fortune from the bowels of Mexico to safe and undetectable accounts in the offshore tax havens of the Caribbean. It was here at the same table where the "Group of Five" made the intelligent, confident descendent of the Mexican Revolution, declare his allegiance to the tricolors, the PRI and the "Group of Five." It was here at the same table were the charter of GrupoCinco and its initial multi-million dollar financing was placed in sole control of the bull-headed financier to accomplish the underlying mission to funnel the untold loot and spoils of the Mexican people as far away as possible or risk exposure of the sham the Mexican Revolution and the PRI had been.